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Viva La Liberta Essay Research Paper Politics

Viva La Liberta Essay, Research Paper


Politics in Opera Imprint


Information Viva la Liberta! – Politics in Opera by Anthony


Arblaster is published by Verso in 1992 in London, Great


Britain. It was the book’s first edition and publication. The


book contains 340 pages of text, no illustrations, and


includes a tables of contents, nine main chapters, conclusion,


notes and and an index. The chapters start with the period of


modern politics, the French Revolution in 1789 and with


"Mozart: Class Conflict and Enlightenment" from that period


till modern opera / musicals in "Democratic Opera: Victims


as Heroes". All nine chapters are written by the same author,


Anthony Arblaster. Each chapter tries to concentrate on one


to a few composers from the same period who share similar


political views and actions. Each chapter can be viewed as


an individual work / essay. The nine chapters follow the time


frame sequentially and are respectively: Ch.1 Mozart: Class


Conflict and Enlightenment, Ch.2 Opera and Revolution,


Ch.3 Patria Oppressa: Rossini, Bellini, Donizetti and


Risorgimento (Nationalism I), Ch.4 Verdi: the Liberal


Patriot, Ch.5 Wagner: from Revolution to Racism, Ch.6


Russia, Czechoslovakia and a Footnote on England


(Nationalism II), Ch.7 Women in Opera, Ch.8 Interlude -


Opera without Politics: Puccini and Strauss and Ch.9


Democratic Opera: Victims as Heroes. The introduction and


conclusion helps in giving coherence to the vast time frame


of two hundread years and the different emphasis on political


of composers in their works. The detailed index is also


helpful in the cross referencing a particular work or


composer which might be mentioned in different chapters for


comparisons. The notes offer a detailed bibliography with


chance for further reference material on the issue of politics


in opera. General Summary Although the book does not


formally state the meaning of "politics", the definition used


throughout the book is the "beliefs about how a country


ought to be governed" instead of politics as in political


power and actions or activities. The book also presents the


argument of social context at the particular period and place


as "politics" and that if opera lacks the political element


(social context), it lacks a convincing element in which


communication and mutual consensus among composer and


audience would be neglected, that opera cannot be ‘pure’


music. Music and especially opera has to be out of


’something’, a ’something’ that lies outside and beyond the


music itself and in many instances, political beliefs play are a


major part in it. The book’s intend is not to illustrate politics


as the major cause or result of opera but that the influence


exist and to refute the common downplay and negligence of


politics in opera from critics. In all chapters, the author


follows a similar pattern in presenting his arguments. First,


the history and beliefs of the composer in various stages of


his life is discussed. Letters and books (in case of Wagner)


of the composer are presented as evidence. The viewpoint


of the composer in that should opera include politics is also


discussed. Individual operas are then discussed, citing


particular portions of the libretto as reference and evidence.


The story lines for the operas are also discussed in detail.


The audience’s reaction and the popularity at the time of the


initial performance is presented. Critics of different periods


for the interpretation of the work is also quoted to give a


more subjective point of view on the issue. Finally, for each


chapter, a brief conclusion on the period or the composer is


given and the central themes are reiterated. Chapter


Summeries Although Mozart by no means was a political


person, his works were cited as the dawn of modern opera


with its certain political meaning in chapter one. In his


operas, there were the ideas of class and sex conflicts and


war. Class conflicts involved the abuse of aristocratic


position and rise of the common people in both Le nozze di


Figaro and Don Giovanni. The sex war occures in Le nozze


di Figaro and Cosi fan tutte where women should be treated


with respect, rather than assuming in age old chauvinist way


that is the women rather than men who are to be mistrusted


in matters of love and sex. In Die Zauberflote, the moment


of hope and optimism after the French Revolution can easily


be seen where light and wisdom triumph over the Queen of


the Night and superstition. Arblaster in chapter three and six


argues that music, and therefore opera played a central role


in creating a sense of national identity and rallying people to


the national cause in the various European countries. Often


opera provided a forum for the expression of subversive


political sentiments disguised to get around census in


patriotic arias or choruses. In Italy’s case, the most explicit


of all for the independence of Italy came from Rossini’s


Guillaume Tell. Arblaster also states that all three operas of


Rossini: Mose in Egitto, Maometto Secondo and Guillaume


Tell are about national oppression and use of chorus in


which arias are not for individuals but of whole nations. All


three depicted the idea of militant liberal nationalism. Other


composers of opera of Italy and other countries spread


similar ideas of nationalism in which helped to lead to the rise


of the independent nations. However, the most important


emphasis of the book is placed on two composers: Verdi


and Wagner. Arblaster uses one-third of the book to


portray Verdi as the liberal patriot with his heart for the


Republic and Wagner as the German with strong nationalist,


racist and anti-Semitic views. It is also in Chapter 5 devoted


to Wagner that the author changes the format to a more


argumentative fashion. Other criti

c’s arguments are put forth


followed by his own rebuttal and presentation of evidence.


Verdi was one of the composers with the strongest political


convictions and at one time even actually ran and succeeded


in entering the national parliament. However, the most


important aspect is that he allowed himself and his


personality to be in his music and his operas, and lacks the


feeling of distance between creator and creation that we find


in Mozart or Rossini. One of his great display of nationalism


was stated in Nabucco with the High Priest, Zaccaria which


famous chorus ‘Va pernsiero’ was spontaneously sung at


Verdi’s funeral, sixty years after its initial performance. In the


1840s, Verdi’s operas could be roughly divided into


primarily dramas for individuals which would include Ernani,


I due Foscari, Il corsaro, I masnadieri and Luisa Miller with


Alzira and Macbeth as borderline cases. The second


category, which are primarily political, public and patriotic


include Attila, Giovanna d’ Arco and La battaglia di


Legnano. Issues such as conflict between patriotic duty and


personal emotions in Giovanna d’Arco and Aida are


discussed. Italian patriots, against barbarian invaders as in


Attila are also portrayed. After the defeat of the Italian


upraise and fall of the Roman republic in 1849, Verdi


switches to more personal dilemmas and social matters.


Rigoletto and Boccanegra were both about class conflict


and La traviata about social issues. Near the end of his


career, Don Carlos was targeted at the Catholic Church


indicating that is more powerful and more ruthless than the


state. Aida, ended Verdi’s line of political or party political


operas with anti-clericalism sentiments. Although Wagner’s


works were adopted as cultural symbols by Hitler and the


Third Reich and Wagner shared many of the anti-Semitic


and racist views of the Nazis, Arblaster stressed that that


does not indicate that Wagner would approve the actions of


the Nazis. He simply states that the racist and nationalistic


views of Wagner in his operas, or music-dramas cannot be


ignored. Rienzi, was against aristocratic rule and carried a


strong suggestion of fascism which many say turned Hitler’s


ambitions away from art towards politics after seeing the first


performance. The Ring, which spanned twenty-six years


carried different political meaning during various stages of


the opera corresponding to Wagner’s beliefs in life. In Die


Walkure, there was incest which in a way signified ‘pure


blood’ and ‘pure race’. In Siegfried, there was thinly


disguised racism with Siegfried’s treatment of Mime.


Siegfried, arrogant, aggressive and above all mindless


Nordic hero was supposed to be the ‘most perfect human


being’. In Das Rheigold, Wagner’s obsession with the


‘fire-cure’ to cleanse the world was indicated by the doom of


the gods even with the return of the gold. With Chapter 7,


Arblaster discusses the social role of women in opera and


that they are almost always the victims but are given more


weight and sympathy in opera than in the real world. Puccini


and Strauss in Chapter 8 are shown as composers who try


to compose non-political operas in an increasing political


world and how this affects the coherence and validity of their


operas. Finally in Chapter 9, modern day opera to


Broadway musicals are included stating that opera is no


longer about the elite or privileged but about common


people as heroes. Critique Arblaster in both the introduction


and conclusion emphasized that music was the basic and the


most important element of opera. However, throughout the


book, his discussions were around the libretto giving little


reference to the music and how they express political,


nationalistic or patriotic feelings. He had no detailed analysis


of the orchestra or the score. At best, he indicated the


instruments in a particular section. This might be due to the


strong history but weak music background of the author.


Arblaster sometimes also use the original versions of operas


rather than the revised or the version that we can obtain.


This might provide limited benefit to our studies and practical


use. The author also stretches the definition of politics to the


social context in the opera, especially in the chapters of


Mozart and women in opera. The social context might just


be a background in which an action takes place instead of


the beliefs of the composer in which he would want to


spread to increase awareness. For example, in Le nozze di


Figaro, there is class and sex conflict. However, theses are


ideas which were rising at the time but not politics which are


beliefs which would help govern the country. Opera in many


cases spread ideals and visions but that does not equal to


spreading ideas of politics. Opera carries more meaning than


sheer entertainment but not necessarily politics. This also


give rises to the pinpointing of certain parts of the libretto to


establish the political element of the opera. The opera might


to a great extent non-political and trying to express other


ideas but by extracting and emphasizing these elements, the


reader might get a wrong intention of what the opera is


about. For example, although in the conclusion the author


stressed Wagner’s musical achievements are not impacted


by his racist views, the reader would concentrate too much


on these controversial and politically non-correct libretto of


the composer while neglecting the music and the other


meanings to the great work such as The Ring. To conclude,


Anthony Arblaster might have tried too hard in that instead


of looking for a line that would connect all the operas, he


searched too deep for individual evidence for each opera for


the composers he discussed. The content does not


correspond accurately with the title Viva la Liberta –


Politics in Opera.

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