РефератыИностранный языкCaCareer Criminal Essay Research Paper The career

Career Criminal Essay Research Paper The career

Career Criminal Essay, Research Paper


The career criminal, or, more pointedly, those individuals who participate in


criminal acts on a regular basis for both a central and constant source of


income has, generally, a specific set of identifying factors which, while


conclusive in laymen’s terms, fail to meet the criteria necessary for scientific


inquiry. While definitions exist as to what a career criminal is, the research


methods employed in determining these definitions are a large point of


contention for criminal justice theorists, especially due to their potential and


virtually imminent inclusion to modern hypothesis on the subject. These research


methods include longitudinal data collection and compilation, cross-sectional


data collection and compilation, and, as at least one group of theorists argue,


the most efficient method, informative interviewing. The longitudinal research


method employs a data collection technique which focuses on the duration of a


particular act–in this case, the so-called criminal career–based not upon


specific incidents, but the length of time measured between such acts (Blumstein,


Cohen, and Farrington, 1988). That is, an individual’s propensity for criminal


conduct in a so-called career mode would be measured first by the original act


as an origin, then with the succeeding acts, until a final point became evident.


Therefore, such a research method would logically conclude that an individual


who performed or participated in criminal conduct on two occasions several years


apart would be considered a career criminal. It is for this reason, that


criminal justice theorists differ as to the applicability and relevance of the


longitudinal research method (Blumstein, Cohen, and Farrington, 1988). Since the


longitudinal research method could construe two independent–or even two


interdependant–criminal acts as the foundational make-up of a career criminal,


theorists may hypothesize incorrectly as to the actuality of an individual


having a career based in criminal behavior. Because it is widely believed by


opponents of the longitudinal research method that the mere occurrence of two


criminal acts spaced out over an individual’s lifetime or testing window is not


indicative of the so-called career criminal modus operandi, the research method


has increasingly lost its popularity and application in such studies, unless, of


course, it is supported or otherwise confirmed by other utilized research


procedures (Blumstein, Cohen, and Farrington, 1988). One of these alternative


testing and research methods is the cross-sectional data collection and


compilation model. The cross-sectional data collection and compilation model,


when applied to the criminal career hypothezation, measures the probability of


occurrence of a particular act of criminal conduct or other so-called criminal


behavior. The cross-sectional model allows for a glimpse into each individual


criminal act which may be thought to, when compiled, comprise a framework which


indicates that individual is a career criminal. For this reason, the


cross-sectional model is infinitely more applicable and accurate in determining,


or at least providing indicators which would lead to a determination, of conduct


constituting that of a career criminal. While such assistance is immeasurable


for a determination of whether or not an individual is a career criminal, it


still falls short of a definite model for such identification. For this reason,


many criminal justice theorists feel that the individual application of the


cross-sectional model is inappropriate for its unsupported inclusion into


relevant scientific hypothesis. Once again, however, when such data is


adequately supported or otherwise confirmed by other information, inclusion is


proper. Criminal justice theorists have relied on either one, or both models


since the inception of investigation into all areas of criminal behavior. Such


data, however, comes under fire if, and when, other theories surface which


either provide additional information, or information which is more in-depth and


in deference to that data already obtained and reported upon (Gottfredson and


Hirschi, 1988). The dilemma, of course, is that regardless of how detailed and


in-depth even the most comprehensive of testing techniques are, there is always


one method which is the most detailed, as it originates from the primary source.


This data is called informative interviewing (Gottfredson and Hirschi, 1988).

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Informative interviewing is a method through which criminal justice theorists


acquire information from the primary source (Gottfredson and Hirschi, 1988). In


the case of the present issue, deliberating over the question of what behavior


is indicative of a career criminal, information would most probably be extracted


from those individuals who exhibited the stereotypical traits of what is


referred to as a career criminal. These would include individuals whose primary


source of income is derived from the perpetration of crimes, the acquisition and


conversion of cash or property into cash for personal use, and the consistency


of these acts. That is, are they performed on a verifiably consistent basis to


the aforementioned ends of sustaining life for a particular individual (Weis,


1991). Alternatively, the informative interviewing method would need to address


those groups which other testing methods and their proponents have identified as


possible career criminals. These would include those individuals who perpetrate


more than one criminal act in the course of their lifetime or testing window,


and those who perpetrate multiple criminal acts in an effort to maintain


financial stability, as illuminated by the longitudinal research method and the


cross-sectional data collection and compilation model, respectively (Gottfredson


and Hirschi, 1988). In total, the informative interviewing technique is the most


inclusive of all the testing measures, as it does not presuppose the existence


of facts or reasoned support thereof, nor rely on a multitude of secondary


sources for its hypothetical theorizations. Opponents, however, argue that the


single, most important drawback to utilization of the informative interview


technique for central reliance in a scientific study, is that there exists no


guarantee that the information being obtained from the individual in question


is, indeed, a factual representation of his or her physical and mental


manifestations and reasoning prior to, during, and after performance of the


criminal act (Weis, 1991). Though this seems a wholly valid and relevant


argument based on the stereotypical nature of such individuals who maintain or,


at least, are thought to maintain a life of crime, the scientist-interviewer has


a better probability of determining the truthfulness of the individual when he


or she is face to face, rather than viewing so-called research on a two


dimensional document (Gottfredson and Hirschi, 1988). For this reason, it seems


that the informative interviewing technique is the most reliable indicator of an


individual’s propensity to maintain a career firmly rooted in criminal activity.


Finally, the very issue of career criminals cannot be determined by those


studies which seek to apply a virtual cornucopia of variables and other


indicators into a multi-tiered graphic conceptualization of a theory (Weis,


1991). This is so because such a conceptualization, while attempting to


scientifically duplicate the environment which produces career criminals,


cannot, and thus leads the criminal justice theorist on a road wrought with


balances and counterbalances which seek to clarify and provide for those


responses which do not otherwise fall into the neatly, albeit mechanically


defined categories (Elliot, 1994). Such is not the nature of a career criminal,


and, ironically, may be indicative to the very mechanisms he or she seeks to


obviate when choosing such an alternative, societally unaccepted posture as to


self-sustenance. As the informative interview points out, asking someone who


knows is infinitely more reliable than relying on text written by someone who


thinks they know.


Blumstein, A., Cohen, J., and Farrington, D. (1988). Criminal career


research: it’s value for criminology. Blumstein, A., Cohen, J., and Farrington,


D. (1988). Longitudinal and criminal career research: further clarifications.


Criminology, vol. 26, no. 1. Elliot, D. S. (1994). Serious violent offenders:


onset, developmental course, and termination–The American Society of


Criminology 1993 Presidential Address. Criminology, vol. 32, no. 1. Gottfredson,


M., and Hirschi, T. (1988). Science, public policy, and the career paradigm.


Criminology, vol. 26, no. 1. Sutherland, E. H. (1994). The professional thief.


classics of criminology. IL: Waveland Press. Welsh, A. E. (1991). Issues in the


measurement of criminal careers. Criminal Justice 400 packet, fall semester,


1995 Iowa State University.

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