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John Locke And John Stuart Mill

’s Definition Of Freedom Essay, Research Paper


John Locke and John Stuart Mill’s Definition of Freedom


John Locke believes that man ought to have more freedom in political


society than John Stuart Mill does. John Locke’s The Second Treatise of


Government and John Stuart Mill’s On Liberty are influential and potent literary


works which while outlining the conceptual framework of each thinkers ideal


state present two divergent visions of the very nature of man and his freedom.


John Locke and John Stuart Mill have different views regarding how much freedom


man ought to have in political society because they have different views


regarding man’s basic potential for inherently good or evil behavior, as well as


the ends or purpose of political societies.


In order to examine how each thinker views man and the freedom he ought


to have in political society it is necessary to define freedom or liberty from


each philosophers perspective.


In The Second Treatise of Government, John Locke states his belief that


all men exist in “a state of perfect freedom to order their actions and dispose


of their possessions and person as they think fit, within the bounds of the law


of nature, without asking leave or depending upon the will of any other man. ”


(Locke 4) Locke believes that man exists in a state of nature and thus exists


in a state of uncontrollable liberty which has only the law of nature to


restrict it, which is reason. (Locke 5) However Locke does state that man does


not have the license to destroy himself or any other creature in his possession


unless a legitimate purpose requires it. Locke emphasizes the ability and


opportunity to own and profit from property as being necessary to be free.


In On Liberty John Stuart Mill defines liberty in relation to three


spheres; each successive sphere progressively encompasses and defines more


elements relating to political society. The first sphere consists of the


individuals “inward domain of consciousness; demanding liberty of conscious in


the most comprehensive sense; liberty of thought and feeling; absolute freedom


of opinion and sentiment on all subjects, practical or speculative, scientific,


moral, or theological.” (Mill 13) The second sphere of Mill’s definition


encompasses the general freedoms which allow an individual to freely peruse a


“…life to suit our own character; of doing as we like…” (Mill 13). Mill


also states that these freedoms must not be interfered with by “fellow creatures,


so long as what we do does not harm them…” (Mill 13), no matter how odd,


offensive and or immoral they may seem to others. The final sphere of Mill’s


definition of liberty is a combination of the first two. He states that “…the


freedom to unite, for any purpose not involving harm to others: the persons


combining being supposed to be of full age, and not forced and or deceived.”


(Mill 14)


Locke and Mill’s definitions of freedom must be qualified. Since the


definitions they present in their respective literature are distinct from one


another, when each philosopher refers to freedom or liberty they are not citing


the same concept. This distinction is necessary when comparing their positions


regarding the amount of freedom man should have in a political society. What one


philosopher considers an overt an perverse abuse of liberty the other may


consider the action completely legitimate and justifiable.


John Locke believes that men should be virtually unrestricted and free


in political society. Locke’s rational for this liberal position lies in the


twin foundation of man’s naturally good inclinations and the specific and


limited ends Locke believes political societies ought to have. According to


Locke the only freedoms men should lose when entering into a political society


are “equality, liberty and executive power they has in the state of nature into


the hands of society.” (Locke 73) In Locke’s ideal society this fails to limit


or remove any freedom from the individual, it only removes the responsibility of


protecting these freedoms from the individual and places it on the state.


John Stuart Mill believes that man’s should be strictly limited in


political society. Mill differs from Locke in the basic principle that


individual who enjoy the benefits of living in political societies owe a return


for the protection society offers. Mill believes for society to function


properly conduct of societies members should “not injuring the interests of one


another; or rather certain interests; which either by express legal provision,


or by tacit understanding, ought to be considered rights” (Mill 70) Mill


furthers this statement by proclaiming that society may go even further. “As


soon as any part of a person’s conduct affects prejudicial the interests of


others, society has jurisdiction over it, and the general question whether the


general welfare will or will not be promoted by interfering in it, becomes open


to discussion.” (Mill 70) This declaration virtually allows the state the


authority to intervene in every instance of human interaction and have total


power to alter the exchange as it sees fit. If this function of the state is


considered supreme or is allowed jurisdiction over even the first sphere of


freedoms any further discussion of liberty is ineffective and redundant. Mill


clearly seeks to limit the freedom of men and guaranteeing some measure of


residual power to exercised by the state at will.


Having examined the level or amount of freedom Locke and Mill advocate


for man in political society a closer examination of the rational or reasoning


which Locke and Mill used to develop their position will clarify the issue


further. How Locke and Mill viewed man and his natural inclination toward good


or evil was a crucial and fundamental in the formation of their views regarding


political society in general and how much freedom man should have in it. The


importance of this issue lies in the ability of Locke and Mill to legitimize


their conclusion about society based on the necessity of accommodating the


natural inclinations of man. Tyranny can easily be justified under the guise of


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protecting the weak from the natural predatory tendencies of stronger men.


John Locke is clear and adamant in his declaration that man is naturally


inclined toward good. Locke belief in the value of man and his ability to act


independently in compliance with natural law contributed more to his views


regarding freedom than did his positions regarding the function of the state.


Several positions which Locke holds to be true regarding man warrant this


conclusion. First is Locke’s definition of the state of nature as “men living


together according to reason, without a common superior on earth with authority


to judge between them, is properly the state of nature.” (Locke 19)


Secondly Locke’s contention that in the state of nature that man has the


right to punish “the crime for restraint and preventing the like offense, which


right of punishing is in everybody; the other of taking reparation, which


belongs only to the injured party…” (Locke 8) Locke does not halt the rights


of men to punish transgressions against them, this right of all men in a state


of nature even if it entails the “power to kill a murderer, both to deter others


from doing he like injury, which no reparation can compensate…” (Locke 8)


However Locke does recognize that the right of punishing of transgressions


against oneself has great potential and temptation for abuse and corruption this


is why Locke contends that “God has certainly appointed government to restrain


the partiality and violence of men.” (Locke 9) Locke’s definite optimism


concerning the nature of man is clearly transferred to his opinion regarding


man’s freedom in political society.


John Stuart Mill does not have the same optimistic view of the nature of


man which Locke holds. However he clearly has more faith in humans than the


portrait Thomas Hobbes presents of man in Leviathan. A case can be made for


Mill’s negative view of humans because of his utilitarian themes throughout On


Liberty which implies that if left to their own devices man will peruse his own


interests even at the costs of his fellow man. Mill does not make a clear


declaration exalting or condemning the nature of man.


However, Mill does make clearly negative statements about the nature of


man. “There has been a time when the element of spontaneity and individuality


was in excess, and the social principle had a hard struggle with it.” (Mill 57)


Mill’s insinuation that the free and unrestricted actions of men can cause


conflict is to be expected nonetheless it disguises Mill’s true position on


man’s nature. It is the subtly inference that the use of spontaneity and


individuality as a method of ordering one’s actions somehow runs contrary to the


social principle, which shows a clear mistrust of man’s unrestricted and


uninhibited side.


Another crucial factor which undoubtedly influenced the amount of


freedom Mill an Locke believed man ought to have in political society was their


view regarding the purpose of the state. Mill and Locke held completely


opposite views regarding who should benefit from the existence of the state the


individual or the community.


According to Locke men are driven to congregate and form societies for


“necessity, connivance and inclination…” (Locke 44) Locke believes that the


purpose or end of the state is provide the necessities and convinces which drove


men to form communities. The state for all intents and purposes is designed to


serve the individual and provide a free and unrestricted environment in which


man who is naturally free may prosper and own property.


The constant threat of interference by other men in a man’s freedom and


enjoyment of his property has driven men to seek the safety of a community which


exists “for the mutual preservation of their lives, liberties, and estates which


I call by the general name “property”.” (Locke 71) Locke cites three specific


reasons for the formation of political society. “First, there wants an


established, settled, known law, received and allowed by common consent to be


standard….Secondly, in the state nature there wants a known and indifferent


judge with authority to determine all differences according to the established


law…Thirdly, in the state of nature there often wants power to back and


support the sentence when right, and to give it due execution.” (Locke 71)


Other necessities and conveniences which Locke refers to are specifically and


clearly defined to prevent any interpretation and or expansion of the power of


the state.


According to Mill the purpose of the state is to facilitate a beneficial


two way relationship between individual and the community. The ends of the


state are definitely not devoted to the promotion of the individuals freedom as


they are in Locke’s writings. Mill contends the collective interests of the


community render greater reward than the promotion of individual interests.


John Locke and John Stuart Mill are two philosophers who have left an


indelible mark on the concept of freedom in political societies. John Locke


favours greater freedom for man in political society than does John Stuart Mill


does. Their beliefs regarding the nature of man and the purpose of the state


are bound to their respective views regarding freedom because one position


perpetuates and demands a conclusion regarding another.


Locke system for dealing with man freedom and all other related matters


severely limits the role of state to strictly guaranteeing individual freedom.


This is the best method of preventing the perversion and abuse of the role and


power of the state. Locke views simply stem from his faith in man and his


potential to succeed independently, which collectively promotes the prosperity


of the state.


Mill does not implicitly trust or distrust man and therefore does not


explicitly limit freedom, in fact he does define freedom in very liberal terms,


however he does leave the potential for unlimited intervention into the personal


freedoms of the individual by the state. This nullifies any freedoms or rights


individuals are said to have because they subject to the whims and fancy of the


state.

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