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Sexual Preference And The Military Essay Research

Sexual Preference And The Military Essay, Research Paper


Homosexuality should not be a limiting


factor in US Army service. In this essay, three points of view will be


examined: why homosexuals have been excluded from the Army in the past,


what are the origins of the Army’s current stance on the issue, and what


conditions must occur before sexual preference can be discounted in the


assessment of Army personnel. It is the opinion of this writer that, regardless


of any merit it may have had in the past, the Army’s current position on


homosexuality is an example of choosing the easy wrong over the hard right.


In the past, a sizable portion of the Army


was a conscripted force – soldiers were either drafted into service or


sent by the courts for dodging the draft. After WWI, the size of the Army


fell to just around 200,000 personnel. When WWII broke out, and the ranks


of the Army had to be filled-out again from the general population, a more


selective process was adopted. An argument against the conscription of


openly homosexual males was made based on the findings of a special committee


of the American Psychological Association (APA). Through their research,


they had determined that acts of overt homosexual behavior were detrimental


to unit cohesion. The proponents of this view argued, and rightly so, that


in an organization where a units level of professionalism could mean the


difference between life and death, any relationships, such as those that


inevitably result from romantic interaction, that would erode a unit’s


professional atmosphere were not only inappropriate but dangerous. To quote


the 1981 version of the directive (DOD Directive 1332.14):


“The presence of such members [homosexuals]


adversely affects the ability of the armed forces to maintain discipline,


good order, and morale; to foster mutual trust and confidence among service


members; to insure the integrity of the system of rank and command; to


facilitate assignment and worldwide deployment of service members who frequently


must live and work under close conditions affording minimal privacy; to


recruit and retain members of the armed forces; to maintain the public


acceptability of military service; and to prevent breaches of security.”


According to the argument, it was therefore


necessary, in an era of compulsory service, to take precautions against


such occurrences. However, one will note the inconsistency between the


date of the quotation above and the end of conscripted service in the United


States (~1973). The elimination of the draft and the creation of the “All-Volunteer


Force” (AVF) removed the cornerstone of the argument against homosexuality


in the Army. In an ideal AVF, professionalism can be counted on to supercede


sexual orientation. In practice, however, this has not been the case. Although


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DOD Directive 1332.14 was again revised to permit “closeted” homosexuals


to enter into service, the Army’s current “Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell” policy


does not reflect the equity supposed in the ideal case.


Instead, together with its companion, “Consideration


of Others” (CO2), “Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell” prescribes avoidance of the issue.


While it is a valid point that fraternization within an organization is


often detrimental, these policies go beyond simple encouragement of a more


professional working climate, prohibiting acknowledgment of facts. These


policies assume that homosexual personnel cannot conceivably be professional


enough not to bring their sexuality to the workplace.


By adopting policies of avoidance, the


Army actually sidesteps the issue all together. The reality is that sexual


preference does not necessarily have any effect on the ability of a person


to be a good soldier. Having established the AVF and touted its focus on


professionalism, it is contradictory to assume that, based on no other


information than sexual preference, one will not behave in a professional


manner. If this was to be the case, then no female should ever be placed


in command of a largely male company. It must be understood, however, that


these policies are only reflections of society’s view of homosexuality,


and no regulation or directive in existence can change someone’s attitude.


It is still perceived as a radical lifestyle in this country, and as such


it is at best a sensitive issue to try to amalgamate into doctrine and


at worst huge political problem. Still, this is a practical justification


and not an ethical one.


The Army must be concerned with practicality,


but has claimed since the Geneva Convention and especially in recent years,


to be a bastion of ethical behavior. Based purely on ethical standards,


it is wrong to prevent people of a homosexual orientation from entering


into military service or to discharge them once they have admitted to such


inclinations. In reality, ethical standards are not the only consideration


the Army makes when adopting policy. For logistical reasons, many of the


Army’s installations are located in rural locations where tolerance and


progressive ideas are not necessarily widespread.


Also, a good portion of the Army comes


from these very areas. While these may be poor excuses for the ethicist,


the pragmatic understands completely.


The Army is not a political institution,


but it must but subject to the shifting winds of politics. Because it is


first and foremost mission oriented rather than politically motivated,


its administration must sometimes make pragmatic decisions that are not


necessarily ethical. Only when popular politics has accepted homosexuality


into its fold will the Army be able to act ethically on this issue.

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